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The Play of President Pierce for Cuba: Ostend

The Ostend conference was the substitute for the extraordinary commission. The one object was Cuba. The conference met at Ostend the 9th of October, 1854, continued in conference three consecutive days, and adjourned to Aix-la-Chapelle, where notes were prepared. It was "infinite satisfaction" that "cordial harmony" marked every step, and the sentiments of the three ambassadors were unanimous on all points! Mr. Soule said, in a letter to Mr. Marcy, transmitting the joint report: "The question of the acquisition of Cuba by us is gaining ground as it grows to be more seriously agitated and considered. Now is the moment for us to be done with it;" and he added, "if it is to bring upon us the calamity of a war--let it be now, while the great powers of this continent are engaged in that stupendous struggle which cannot but engage all their strength and tax all their energies as long as it lasts, and may, before it ends, convulse them all. Neither England nor France would be likely to interfere with us. England could not bear to be suddenly shut out of our market, and see her manufactures par alyzed, even by a temporary suspension of her intercourse with us. And France, with the heavy task now on her hands, and when she so eagerly aspires to take her seat as the acknowledged chief of the European family, would have no inducement to assume the burden of another war." This was improving the Crimean war. The memorandum agreed upon by the three ministers in extraordinary conference assembled, was the embodiment in form of the suggestions set forth in the letters of Marcy and Soule. This portentous document presents very forcibly the value of Cuba as an acquisition by the United States, irrespective of the primary purpose to strengthen slavery in our country. The first business when the need of swift action while Europe was engaged in the Crimean war--and Spain, in a revolutionary and transition state, became the inspiration of the policy of the administration, was that our peaceable intentions should be carefully set forth--especially the generosity of offering the Spanish a greater sum of money than Cuba was worth to them; and then, if they would not listen to reason, we were to act upon the presumption that there could be no repose for the Union until Cuba was included in our boundaries. If Spain acted in a stubborn manner and upon a "false sense of honor," we must act in accordance with the law of self-preservation--and prevent the flames from a burning house destroying our home. We would be "unworthy our gallant forefathers," and commit "treason against our posterity," if we permitted "Cuba to be Africanized and become a second San Domingo." The study of these papers, it must be admitted, affords some explanation of the excessive sensibility that Spain shows to the shadow cast by America upon Cuba. The manifesto is so interesting in its application to present conditions that its complete production is required to make intelligible the whole story of Cuba, and we give it here: THE OSTEND MANIFESTO. AIX-LA-CHAPELLE, Oct. 18, 1854. Sir: The undersigned, in compliance with the wish expressed by the president in the several confidential despatches you have addressed to us respectively, to that effect, we have met in conference, first at Ostend, in Belgium, on the 9th, 10th, and 11th instant, and then at Aix-la-Chapelle, in Prussia, on the days next following, up to the date hereof.

There has been a full and unreserved interchange of views and sentiments between us, which we are most happy to inform you has resulted in a cordial coincidence of opinion on the grave and important subjects submitted to our consideration.

We have arrived at the conclusion, and are thoroughly convinced that an immediate and earnest effort ought to be made by the government of the United States to purchase Cuba from Spain at any price for which it can be obtained, not exceeding the sum of $.

The proposal should, in our opinion, be made in such a manner as to be presented through the necessary diplomatic forms to the Supreme Constituent Cortes about to assemble. On this momentous question, in which the people, both of Spain and the United States, are so deeply interested, all our proceedings ought to be open, frank and public. They should be of such a character as to challenge the approbation of the world. We firmly believe that, in the progress of human events, the time has arrived when the vital interests of Spain are as seriously involved in the sale, as those of the United States in the purchase, of the Island, and that the transaction will prove equally honorable to both nations. Under these circumstances we cannot anticipate a failure, unless possibly through the malign influence of foreign powers who possess no right whatever to interfere in the matter.

We proceed to state some of the reasons which have brought us to this conclusion, and for the sake of clearness, we shall specify them under two distinct heads: 1. The United States ought, if practicable, to purchase Cuba with as little delay as possible. 2. The probability is great that the government and Cortes of Spain will prove willing to sell it, because this would essentially promote the highest and best interests of the Spanish people. Then, 1. It must be clear to every reflecting mind that, from the peculiarity of its geographical position, and the considerations attendant on it, Cuba is as necessary to the North American republic as any of its present members and that it belongs naturally to that great family of states of which the Union is the providential nursery.

From its locality it commands the mouth of the Mississippi and the immense and annually increasing trade which must seek this avenue to the ocean. On the numerous navigable streams, measuring an aggregate course of some thirty thousand miles, which disembogue themselves through this magnificent river into the Gulf of Mexico, the increase of the population within the last ten years amounts to more than that of the entire Union at the time Louisiana was annexed to it.

The natural and main outlet to the products of this entire population, the highway of their direct intercourse with the Atlantic and the Pacific states, can never be secure, but must ever be endangered whilst Cuba is a dependency of a distant power in whose possession it has proved to be a source of constant annoyance and embarrassment to their interests. Indeed, the Union can never enjoy repose, not possess reliable security, as long as Cuba is not embraced within its boundaries.

Its immediate acquisition by our government is of paramount importance, and we cannot doubt but that it is a consummation devoutly wished for by its inhabitants.