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The Crisis in Cuba: Maceo

Instead of gathering the tobacco in those far-famed regions where the leaf is good as gold and has the flavor the world knows and pays for so well, the fields were trampled and the torch was applied to the tobacco as well as the sugar houses. Maceo, instead of being "Oriented," rode from province to province for a few weeks and reappeared in the west. Then the torch answered Weyler in the sugar fields, and the fiery storm of desolation of the island by the Cubans to impoverish the Spaniards, and by the Spaniards to deprive the Cubans of shelter and food, set in, both sides succeeding. There is a crisis in the favored industries, and the gaunt wolf of hunger is at the doors of the people.

The insurgents are reinforced, and it is war to the knife and pistol as well as with the torch and rifle. The deathless tenacity with which Maceo adheres to the west end, implies understanding with him that he should be supplied by his friends in the United States with food and cartridges. The Spanish captain-general has thrown all his available battalions on the trocha at the narrowest part of the Island, a few miles west of Havana, and it is his theory that he has the insurgent leader in a trap, and the gunboats are swarming around the coast of Pinar del Rio to cut off help from the sea, while the Bermuda sails away at high speed, equipped for a sea fight if necessary, and we are told that the insurgent bands are moving westward to take advantage of Spanish forces on the trocha beyond Havana, determined at all hazards to make a diversion to relieve Maceo of a part of the pressure of the overwhelming force thrown against him.

There is a military crisis, therefore, coincident with that of the agricultural industries, and of the commercial interests associated with the Island, and the finances of Spain. Still more, there is the political crisis signalized by the appointment of General Fitz-Hugh Lee to be consul-general of Cuba, for this must mean something more than ordinary business. General Lee is not the consul-general merely, but truly a plenipotentiary-extraordinary. He has the situation to study on behalf of the president of the United States, particularly the military positions and prospects, and the social and political aspects. This is the confession of the president and his cabinet that they are perplexed by the conflict of testimony; and they feel the gravest responsibility, and are anxious for the whole truth. There has been a great deal said in Congress that was not of clear signification, and the purpose of which was evidently obscure to the orators themselves. There appeared in the Congressional Record of March 2, however, the speech of Senator White of California, which was exceptional. It was authenticated with information, and there was in its construction and tone the evidence to all students of the law and the facts, that the senator was in close touch and sympathy with the executive authority. This speech, there is no reasonable question, defined in the last week of February the conception of duty for the administration, and it has not been perceptibly modified even by the passage of the concurrent resolution of the houses of Congress, which was followed by a curiously complacent calm. Senator White said all senators sympathized with the struggling patriots of Cuba, and would rejoice to see them govern themselves. The proceedings of Congress should be orderly, in accordance with the customs of enlightened nations, and if the subject was approached through concurrent resolution, designed to be of itself effective as a declaration of belligerency, the constitution required such resolution to be joint, not concurrent. If there was to be a declaration made announcing belligerency, it would have no effect, unless presented to the president, and it was doubtful whether it would have any effect, unless actually approved by him. We quote the senator: