Russia

The high position taken by Mr. Seward, in the name of his Government, in that able letter of instructions, was doubtless one of the chief causes for the fortunate delay of the British government in the matter of recognizing the independence of the Southern Confederacy. Its puissance was increased by the manifest opposition of the great mass of the "common people" of Great Britain, to the unfriendly conduct of their government and the ruling classes toward the real Government of the United States. The friendly attitude of Russia toward the United States was another cause for delay. The cautious Emperor of the French followed Great Britain, and on the 17th of June, issued a decree according belligerent rights to the Confederates; so also did the Queen of Spain proclaim the neutrality of her government, and entered upon a scheme with Napoleon III. for replanting the seeds of monarchical institutions in America now that the great Republic was about to expire. The King of Portugal also recognized the insurgents as belligerents, on the 29th of July; but the enlightened Emperor of Russia (Alexander II.), who was about to strike the shackles from almost forty million slaves in his own dominions, instructed (July 10) his representative at Washington to say: "In every event, the American nation may count upon the most cordial sympathy on the part of our most august master during the important crisis which it is passing through at present." The powers of Western Europe, regarding the Russian Emperor as a promised ally of the Republic of the West, behaved prudently.

It was on Thursday, the 4th of July, 1861, and the eighty-fourth anniversary of the Declaration of Independence, when the Thirty-seventh Congress assembled at the National capital, in extraordinary session. It was a critical time in the history of our country. Civil War was kindling over a quarter of a million square miles of the Republic, and enemies of the nation's life were menacing its Capitol and its archives with utter destruction. Within the sound of great guns, armies were then gathering for that purpose; and secret emissaries of the Confederacy, it was believed, intrusted with errands of deadliest mischief, were prowling about the halls of Congress and the President's house. As promptly as the militia of the country, the members of the National Legislature had responded to the President's call. Twenty-three States were represented in the Senate, and one hundred and fifty-four members of the Lower House were present on the first day of the session, while ten slave-labor States were not represented. In both Houses there was a large working majority of Unionists; yet there was a considerable faction who sympathized with the Confederates in their application of the doctrine of State-supremacy and in opposition to coercive measures.

The President, in his message, after setting forth the causes of trouble, the acts of the insurgents, and the necessity for giving strength to the Executive arm, said: "It is now recommended, that you give the legal means for making this contest a short and decisive one; that you place at the control of the Government, for the work, at least four hundred thousand men, and four hundred millions of dollars." That number of men constituted only one-tenth of those of proper age for military service in the regions where, apparently, all were willing to engage; and the sum of money asked for, was less than a twenty-third part of the money value owned by the men who seemed willing to devote the whole.

The President's message was accompanied by important reports from three heads of departments. The Secretary of War (Simon Cameron) recommended the enlistment of men for three years; appropriations for extraordinary expenses; the appointment of an Assistant Secretary of War, and an increase of the clerical force in his department. The Secretary of the Treasury (Salmon P. Chase) asked for $240,000,000 for war purposes, and $80,000,000 for the current expenses of the Government. He proposed to raise these amounts by three different methods. For the civil service, he proposed to procure a revenue by increased duties on specified articles and a system of internal taxation; for war purposes, by a National loan in the form of Treasury notes bearing an interest of one cent a day on fifty dollars, or in bonds, made redeemable at the pleasure of the Government after a period not exceeding thirty years, and bearing an interest not exceeding six per centum a year. He further recommended the issue of Treasury notes for a smaller amount.

The Secretary of the Navy (Gideon Wells), who had been compelled to resort to extraordinary measures to save the Republic, asked Congress to sanction his acts; to authorize the appointment of an Assistant Secretary of the Navy, and to appoint commissioners to inquire into the expediency of using iron-clad steamers or floating batteries.