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The Cause of Cuba: Liberal
It is apparent in this paper, which is well known in Cuba, that the gentlemen who prepared and signed it were without knowledge of the elements they were dealing with, and that the remedies they thought would cure all troubles, had no virtue, for they were inadequate to cope with the disease. The Liberal Autonomists could have no comprehension of the weaknesses of the alleged reforms, or the forces that were mustering for the rebellion. Senor Moret, former Spanish minister of the colonies, has been talking Cuban "reform" in Madrid, professing himself a thorough Liberal, and he tells of the reforms he thinks necessary, and he would give this: First--Economic reform. I mean by this free trade, the guarantee of all foreign capital employed in Cuba, the application of a large portion of the Cuban revenue to the public works of the Island, and unity or similarity of the banking system employed, extending to Cuba the national credit. Precisely. But why was not this attended to some time between I878 and I895? The Spanish minister to the United States, who so ably defends his country, has the same idea of reform, but it comes too late. Senor Moret wants political reform, after "the complete pacification of the Island." But it will not be pacified, and, therefore, there is no reform possible. Senor Moret is dreaming. He even talks of a "referendum" in regard to administrative reform, but the discussion of the decoration of a house that is on fire should be deferred. E. del Castillo, member of the Cuban Press Company of New York, writes of the recent election in Cuba:
Theoretically, Cuba is represented. Practically, she is not. There are 1,650,000 people in the Island, of whom 1,000,000 are white. Yet in the elections only 47,649 men have been allowed to vote for members of the Cortes, and of these over 20,000 were not Cubans at all, but Spaniards, officially or otherwise, resident in Cuba. Out of about forty Cuban members of the Cortes, only four represent Cuban constituencies.
Here we have in a nutshell what the so-called representation of thirty deputies and sixteen senators in the Spanish Cortes claimed by the correspondent amount to.
During the recent elections in Cuba, out of thirty odd deputies elected, there appears only one native-born Cuban, and who, by the by, is a renegade. All the others are native-born Spaniards, some of whom have never been in Cuba, and who only know of the Island from their geographical knowledge. Senor Moret was asked: "Does your Exellency agree with Senor Sagasta that the Spanish people, as a whole, would resent friendly overtures from the United States?" He said: "I do thoroughly agree with him. Spanish pride will not allow any interference from the United States. This is due chiefly to the language employed in the senate and House of Representatives."
There has been a good deal of wild talk in Congress, but if there is something said on one side of the ocean that is not statesmanlike, it is no reason why a statesman on the other side should give way to emotion and become effusive. The good offices of the United States were offered to Spain during the ten years' war. President Grant suggested that Spain should recognize Cuban independence. The correspondence between Secretary of State Fish and Minister Sickles, is interesting. Mr. Hitt, chairman of the House Committee of foreign relations, referred to this correspondence recently on the floor of the House, saying:
It is the very case we have in hand. That was an insurrection or rebellion in Cuba not half so extensive as the present, and it was near the beginning. Then the good offices of the United States were offered to bring the war to a close on the basis of Cuban independence, Spain to be paid an indemnity which the United States should guarantee.
The ruler of Spain was General Prim, and he received that proposition in the same friendly spirit in which it was made. There was no rupture of relations. I will not read all his answers, which are contained in, and discussed through, several despatches of considerable length, but only to show its spirit I will give a few words. They may conveniently be found by members in Senate Report 141, if anyone desires to read it. At the conclusion of his remarks, assenting to the proposition of Mr. Sickles, he said: "I do not flatter myself that Spain will retain possession of the Island. I consider that the period of colonial autonomy has virtually arrived. However the present contest may end, whether in the suppression of the insurrection or in the better way of an amicable arrangement through the assistance of the United States, it is equally clear to me that the time has come for Cuba to govern herself; and if we succeed in putting down the insurrection to-morrow I shall regard the subject in the same light that the child has attained its majority, and should be allowed to direct its own affairs. We want nothing more than to get out of Cuba, but it must be done in a dignified, and honorable manner."
That was in response to General Grant's proposition that the independence of Cuba should be recognized and that an indemnity should be made to Spain, which would be guaranteed by the United States. General Prim, however, made a condition that the Cubans must first lay down their arms, and after that there might be a vote by the people of Cuba on the question of separation. But the Cuban people would not consent to lay down their arms. The difficulty is one that stays. The Spaniards refuse to do anything when they propose that the Cubans shall, first of all, submit themselves to Spain. That cannot happen. The fact, however, that General Prim did not regard the American proposition a personal insult when it came from General Grant, shows that Spanish pride is not always impracticable, and one of the preliminaries to an accommodation is that Spain shall be educated by her misfortunes to understand the cause of Cuba, and consent to her independence.